Battle of Plassey

Battle of Plassey took place on 23 June 1757 between Nawab Sirajuddaula and the East India Company.

source: google.com
The battle lasted for eight hours and was defeated by the Nawab Company due to the betrayal of the chief commander Mir Jafar Ali Khan. The political consequences of this war were far-reaching and destructive, and for this reason, although it was an event like small riots, it was shown to be a war. This led to the founding of British rule in Bengal. For the English East India Company, Bengal works like a spring board, from which gradually British power dominates and eventually the empire can be established. The British Empire almost occupies the whole of India, and in the final stage, many other parts of Asia are also under it.

Background Palashi has a lengthy background in the war. When the East India Company started living permanently in Bengal from the beginning of the 1650s, it will not be said more than the beginning of this background. The Mughal rulers of Bengal allowed the East India Company to live in Bengal and in exchange for only three thousand rupees a year, they got the right to trade duty free. Within a few years of establishing a business center in Hughli and Qasimbazar, the company's business and business continued to grow rapidly in the form of capital and recruitment. But in the second half of the seventeenth century, their entry into Bengal's internal trade became the cause of a conflict between the subahdar Shaista Khan and the English of Bengal. Shaista Khan later, the English got the right to live in Calcutta and they established the first zamindari by purchasing three villages named Kolkata, Govindapur and Sutan. The British also built a fort named Fort William in Calcutta.

The purchase of zamindari and the establishment of fort william proved to be very beneficial for the company of the east india company and by the means of the vested interest it encouraged the company to buy more zamindari (38 villages) around Kolkata. Meanwhile, due to misuse of commercial facilities, their relations with the nawabs of Bengal rapidly deteriorated. The company authorities of Kolkata did not give any importance to the directors' instructions to stop these misdemeanors, and they used to illegally use domestic facilities outside the export trade sector. At the same time, employees of the company started using trade clearances in their private business.
The company has convinced the Mughal emperor Farrukh Siyar to try to get more facilities. He gave some important advantages to the English East India Company (1717) through a farman. Among these facilities, duty-free trade, establishment of mint in Calcutta and the right to buy 38 villages under certain conditions. Since other traders had to pay duty on specific rates, and the English and their associates used to trade duty-free, local businessmen were afraid of being overthrown from internal trade. Nawab murshid quli khan forbade the implementation of the decree. He felt that even though the company's import-export trade has multiplied, the company will give three thousand rupees annually to the government in this system and due to this special advantage of the government, the government will be deprived of its taxable duty and mint tax.

Along with the power of Sirajuddaula in April 1756, the dispute between the nawab and the east india company became inevitable. For the first time, Nabin Nawab strongly protested the illegal activities of the company in Bengal. His three major allegations against the British were: Without the permission, the construction and renovation of the wall of Fort William, private illicit trade and the shameless abuse of the dastak by the company's servants and illegal refuge of the nawabs of the nawab. Nawab called on the British to take action for resolving the mentioned complaints and send a number of delegation to Calcutta to resolve disputes through peaceful negotiations. The Nawab demanded that the company be handed over to him by Krishnadas, and ordered to break the new wall and fill the four tanks of Calcutta. The Englishman insulted him by going to Calcutta with a letter containing these demands from the special envoy of Nawab. The nawab was very angry after the expulsion of the English governor of Calcutta Roger Drake who utterly humiliated Nawab's representative Narayen Singh. The nawab immediately ordered the blockade of Kasimbazar factory. The head of the house surrendered but the English governor of Calcutta showed disobedience and stubbornness. As a result, Nawab captured Calcutta and captured it. After this defeat, the company's re-establishment in Bengal was possible in two ways, either by surrendering to the Nawab or by force force to retaliate. The British who were in Bengal sent urgent news to the Fort St. George in Madras to send additional troops. From there, a group of British soldiers were sent to Bengal under Robert Clive and Admiral Watson. They restored Calcutta in January 1757 and declared war on the Nawab. Sirajuddaula was forced to sign the treaty of Alinagar with the English.
Conspiracy But because the English were ignoring the conditions of the treaty, the tension of the war continued. They are plotting against the nawabs who are opposed to the nawab. There was no dissatisfaction with murals in the court of murshidabad which was influenced by some influential Nawab Sirajuddaula. They started conspiracy to overthrow the nawab. However, if the British were not actively engaged in this conspiracy, it would be particularly necessary to examine whether any Palashi 'revolution' was possible. In finalizing the conspiracy to overthrow the nawab, the British were more zealous and pioneer in implementing their plans than other conspirators. Although the company's directors are not as enthusiastic as in London, the company's employees and businessmen who are closely related to British trade in India, have a clear view of favorable rights in establishing territorial rights in India. In the middle of the eighteenth century, the company's employees' personal business faced severe problems and they adopted semi-imperialist policies for the recovery of their own business.

In fact, the seeds of 'Palashi conspiracy' were sown in the direction of the Fort St. George Council (October 13, 1756). It is not advisable to get 'only Calcutta recovery' and 'huge compensation' as suggested by the order, but rather 'the person who is offended by the nawab's zeal in Bengal province or those who wish to be nawab, are persuaded to communicate with them'. The expression of the last word of the Sammala is so clear that there is no need to say anything more open. Even before Clive traveled to Madras, he wrote that Sirajuddaula is a weak ruler and most of the Nawabs are against him as irresponsible. Clive's subsequent commentary shows that the nervous attitude of the nawab encourages the English to engage in a very important game (Clive's words 'nice important game'), and in this way, the conspiracy to strike at Plasseyi is accelerated. Clive and Orm (the court historian of the East India Company), who stayed in Bengal till the first half of the 1750s, both were said to plan to capture Bengal of Colonel Skate. Scott made plans in Calcutta in 1752 and was then preserved in the Fort St. George Council. Earlier in the winter of 1749-50 Clive came to see Calcutta. In the late 1740s and early 1750s, British private trade suffered serious problems. Because of this, the personal and Armenian businessman of French, Khwaja Wazed, was suddenly blamed for the sudden increase of maritime trade. It is supported by the calculation of the freight on the seaport found in Dutch documents. Thus, the destruction of the French and Bengali friendship, and the indigenous elements of the fate of the British through private business, became the main target of the employees of the semi-imperial company, which was the determination of the fall of the determined Siraj to prevent the illegal business and misuse of Dastak.

Many historians, however, strongly believe that Indian conspirators have communicated with the British to create a 'revolution' in the hope of co-operation, yet the correct and careful analysis of the documents appears to have undoubtedly emerged that the British had the support of the opponents of the nawab to implement their planned 'rebellion' The pioneering role of communication for PAL Not by From Kasimbazar on April 9, 1757, Luke Schreften, Clive's trusted man, John Walsh, has been shown in favor of this concept. He wrote, "For the sake of God, we need to move forward like a certain plan ... how glorious it will be for the company found in the nawab of the company." He wrote Walsh again on 18 April about the plan to establish Yar Latif as the new nawab. Meanwhile, on April 23, the Select Committee accepted the revolutionary change as a government policy. On the same day, Clive requested the Committee to allow Scrafton to remain in Murshidabad because 'there was a work for him to engage in important matters.' Watts and Scrafton were actively engaged in Murshidabad to support the plan. From Robert Orm it is known that Clive Watts advised to establish friendship with Mir Jafar after learning about Mir Jafar's displeasure over the nawab. Watts and Scrafton contacted the famous Kolkata-based businessman Umichand and developed a relationship with the chief officials of the nawab court. The representative sent by Watts expressed his intention to make Umayyad's Nawab nawab and said that the Diwan Roy Durlavaram and influential bank owner Jagat Sheth will support him. Watson immediately took the plan and told Clive. It got Clive's approval.

But soon one of the claimants appeared on the stage. According to Oram, Mir Jafar, by an Armenian businessman named Khwaja Petras, who lived in Calcutta, expressed his desire to Nawab to the English. However, in the Letter letter to the father later, another find is available. It is said that Watson himself told Mir jafar the plan to nawab itself. Watts also writes, Mir Jafar 'took my plan eagerly and in our support he agreed to make any reasonable agreement in exchange for nawab'. The Select Committee of Calcutta accepted the unanimous resolution in favor of Mir Jafar and Watts was given the responsibility of discussing the terms of the contract with Mir Jafar.

But the conspiracy was still in the initial stage and Mir Jafar was not fully convinced. Therefore, on 2 May, to confirm Mir Jaffer, Clive told Watts, "There is no reason to be afraid, the British are 'strong enough' to leave the country nawab and promise that the English will work for Mir Jafar even though with the last power '. Mir Jafar was staying in Murshidabad till 30 May. But Watts failed to sign any contract with him. Finally, on June 5, Watson became successful in signing the signing of Mir Jafar (the false contract for cheating Umichand) and the white contract.

Despite the signing of the war statement, the Select Committee became very troubled to implement the planned 'revolution'. It will be best to move towards Murshidabad directly or not, but on June 11, the Select Committee has been thinking about slow and careful thinking that Mir Jafar would wait to learn more about the strategy and operation strategy. The unanimous decision is that 'the best favorable work will be done for Mir Jafar, to take action to implement the revolution,' because further delay will expose the conspiracy of Nawab and Mir Jafar will be removed, so that 'our entire plan' will be 'vandul' and the British are alone Coalition will be in the field to fight against domestic energy '. Accordingly, on 13 June Clive started his journey towards Murshidabad.

On June 19, Clive reached Katoa. The place occupied the Colonel Kutto the previous day. On June 21, Clive called for the meeting of 'Samar Parishad' and decided not to take an 'immediate step'. But Clive changed the decision afterwards and intends to move forward the next day. On 22 June the British army headed towards Palashi under the leadership of Clive. However, soon after noon 22, Clive received a long-awaited message from Mir Jafar and continued his journey towards Palashi and reached there after noon night.
Meanwhile, the nawab left Murshidabad and set up camp at Palashi to deal with the enemy. The war started on 23 June 1757 at 8am. Nearly two-thirds of the nawabs under Mir Jafar, Yar Latif and Roy Durvoram stood inactive and the situation was witnessed by the Nawab army under heroes, Mir Mardan, Mohan Lal, Khwaja Abdul Hadi Khan, Nawab Singh Hazari etc.. Even after several hours of war the final thing did not happen. Clive did not expect such resistance, and it was known that Clive was thinking of running away as far as possible in the war. Clive was thinking of running to Kolkata in the dark of night. But at three o'clock the bombs shot Mir Mardan and he died in that.

Nawab, astonished at the death of Mir Mardan, called Mir Jafar and urged him to defend his life and honor. Mir jafar advised the nawab to stop the war like that day and start a new war in the next morning, and the news was soon reached to Clive. The advice of the Nawab's commanders, after retreat, caused a sharp attack on the English army, and as a result, the nawab army escaped disorderly. The war ended at 5pm on Wednesday and the victor, Clive, flew to Murshidabad at Biradar. A British soldier named John Wood was present in the battlefield of Palashi, according to him, "This was the distinguished and final war where the state was conquered without any major attack".

Conspiracy and later 'Palashi-Biplob' were not only invented and encouraged by the English, but till the pre-war period, they indulge in domestic conspirators to support British plans. The general notion that the conspiracy was indigenous, the British did not have any planned strategy behind them, they had little or no role to play at the core of the conspiracy or there was no role of it, it was the 'internal problem' of Bengal which was 'inevitably gathering the British' and British victory in Bengal Almost entirely, these words do not fade away. The English were victorious in palasite due to their conspiracy and betrayal by the officials of Sirajuddaula. The defeat of the nawab was not political and military.